Question

Where is the Ethos, Pathos, and Logos ?

Answer 1

Friends and Fellow Citizens: . . . In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my political
life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved
country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported
me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and
persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. . . .
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of
danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation and to
recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable
observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. . . .
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the
edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your
prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from
different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth,
as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most
constantly and actively directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your
national union to your collective and individual happiness.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as a matter of serious concern that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing Parties by geographical discriminations— and Southern; Atlantic and Western—
designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the
expedients of Party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts.
You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these
misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. . . .
This Government, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature
deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing
within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its
authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true
liberty. . . . The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every
individual to obey the established government.
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the
spirit of Party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the
strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all
governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the
popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. . . .
[Political parties] serve always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public
administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false
alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments
occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence
and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself
through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will
of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in
free countries are useful checks upon
the administration of
government, and serve to
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keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast
patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in
governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of
public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting
into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as
sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements
to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt,
not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars
have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear . . . . [B]ear in
mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be
devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant . . .
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular
nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings
toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty
and its interest. . . .
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to
foreign nations is, in extending our commercial
relations to have with them as little political
connection as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements let them be fulfilled with
perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . .
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest.
But even our commercial policy should hold an
equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; . . .
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; . . .
constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one
nation to look for disinterested favors from
another. . . . There can be no greater error than to
expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation. It is an illusion which experience must
cure, which a just pride ought to discard. . . .
I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in
which I promise myself to realize without alloy the
sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my
fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws
under a free government— ever-favorite object of
my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our
mutual cares, labors and dangers.

Answer 2

That's long. e.e

Answer 3

i know

Answer 4

have you seen it ?

Answer 5

@Razor cmere e.e

Answer 6

Naw, I haven't. o:
Too long for me. e.e

Answer 7

Do you know what the ethos, pathos, and logos are?

Answer 8

...........?

Answer 9

I don't wanna read all that ;-; its SO long!

Answer 10

@Flamo @silvernight269

Answer 11

Ethos means to convince an audience of the author's credibility or character.

Pathos (appeal to emotion) is a way of convincing an audience of an argument by creating an emotional response to an impassioned plea or a convincing story.

Logos (appeal to logic) is a way of persuading an audience with reason, using facts and figures.

Answer 12

Nice work, Jason!

Answer 13

Try to skim through it and look for keywords related to those descriptions Jason

Answer 14

Don't read the whole thing.. Skim through it very thoroughly

Answer 15

Considering you understand Ethos, Pathos, Logos and the discrepancies between them all, I'm confident you can locate the right answers. Search for keywords in the text that are proprietary to each appeal. For example, you might want to find something words with emotion and vigor to apply to Pathos.

Answer 16

*want to find words

Answer 17

@Marziman "Search for keywords in the text that are proprietary to each appeal. " Basically just restated what I said..wow lol

Answer 18

I posted it a millisecond after you made your comment. Common sense would tell you that I don't have fingers that break the sound barrier when typing.

Answer 19

I had begun typing it well before you posted your comment, don't be so petty.