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English 12 Online
OpenStudy (anonymous):

HELP!! When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated

OpenStudy (anonymous):

emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident... Yours truly, A. Lincoln Use context to determine the meaning of the words in bold crucial requirement mutual agreement significant other worthwhile pastime the word in bold is

OpenStudy (anonymous):

INDESPENSIBLE NECESSITY

OpenStudy (anonymous):

@wio @uri @radar

OpenStudy (anonymous):

It is crucial requirement. Hope this helps!

OpenStudy (anonymous):

are u sure? and thanks!! @Global can you help me with a few more please

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Yeah sure

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? Use context clues to determine the meaning of the phrase in bold. The phrase in bold is "this oath even forbade me" this person even started at me this story even delighted me this promise even prevented me this decision even allowed me

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I'm pretty sure it is "this decision even allowed me" It's the one that makes the most sense

OpenStudy (anonymous):

What does Lincoln mean by compensated emancipation? slave holders are compensated for freeing slaves slaves are paid to leave slave-holding states states are paid to increase slave-holding the military is compensated of hiring slaves I think its A @Global

OpenStudy (anonymous):

@freckles @Nnesha @abb0t @Global

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I would say it is A too ;)

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Which is the best restatement of the following sentence? Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I assumed I would make the right decision. I have not yet made the right decision. I made my decision and stand by it. My decision may be right or wrong.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I think its I made my decision and stand by it

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Yes! You're right

OpenStudy (anonymous):

When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident... Yours truly, A. Lincoln What does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? The readers who will likely disagree with his values The people who rejected his offer of emancipation The times he did not allow military emancipation The lines in the Constitution that give him power

OpenStudy (anonymous):

starts from the beginning till necessity had came

OpenStudy (anonymous):

It is the "times he did not allow military emancipation" He mentioned three times that he forbade military emancipation because he did not consider it an indispensable necessity.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky. My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident... Yours truly, A. Lincoln In this document, President Lincoln is trying to sound conversational and friendly formally explain something important make an acquaintance and become an enemy start a secondary war

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I think its B

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Yes, it is definitely B.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed. the word in bold is "Heretofore" use context to determine the word in bold in the future by the way in the past by mistake

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I think its A or B

OpenStudy (anonymous):

It is C. Hereafter means in the future. So it would be "declare that in the future, as in the past, the war will be prosecuted.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Also, in the second question you asked it is this "promise even prevented me" When I read the whole thing I saw how this was the answer. I apologize!

OpenStudy (anonymous):

it says in some future time or state so im thinking its A? but idk :(

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Yeah, I understand what you are saying but I still think in the past would be the one. He is trying to say that he is proclaiming his decision of prosecuting the war, and this decision has not changed since the past, he is maintaining his beliefs.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Do you see it?

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I might be wrong :/ But I am pretty sure about this. I have seen lots of these questions on tests :)

OpenStudy (anonymous):

Fondly do we hope – fervently do we pray – that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Which of the following correctly describes the effect of the word scourge? It implies ancient beliefs—in reference to slaves of the Middle East. It implies criticism—in reference to Lincoln's beliefs about slavery. It implies pain—in reference to the instrument of punishment. It implies punishment—in reference to succession from the Union. and I re read it but it seems like its future but im not to sure im just going to leave that one for last(:

OpenStudy (anonymous):

That one is "it implies pain"

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I think B or C because scourge means whip used as an instrument of ounishment

OpenStudy (anonymous):

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but l let us judge not that we be not judged. Which of the following best describes the effect of the word wringing in this sentence? It implies concern and worry. It implies drying and refreshing. It implies torment and struggle. It implies twisting and turning.

OpenStudy (anonymous):

I think it's D lol

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